
A Requiem for Godhra
By U.Narayana
Das
The trauma
of burning!
Have you ever daydreamed with a cigarette between
your fingers till the burning end slowly crept up and singed the
intertriginous surfaces between them? Have you ever fallen off
a motorcycle and experienced the hot silencer coming into contact
with your leg? Have you ever touched a flame or a hot stove? Have
you ever experienced very hot liquid or oil spill singeing your
skin?
Just a three-second exposure to water at 1400
F (60 Deg C) or a one-second exposure at 156 Deg F (68.8 Deg C)
causes deep thermal or full thickness burn. Above 160 Deg F, the
burn is instantaneous. The temperature of freshly brewed coffee
is 180 Deg F (82.2 Deg C).
The good lord has given us four layers of skin
- to protect our flesh from heat or cold, bacterial, fungal or
viral invasions or other environmental damage. Actually three
of them comprising the epidermis are above the real skin or dermis,
in medical lingo. We do not know whether the good lord intended
us to have a complex about the complexion of the second layer
from the top. If only we did not have a complex about its colour!
Incidentally, we constantly shed the upper-most layer once in
every four weeks.
What happens when the skin ceases protecting
the body because burns morphed it? Burn injuries associated with
smoke inhalation could be quite traumatic. The combination multiplies
the chances of morbidity and mortality, because of circulatory
burn shock, distant organ injury and the generation of free radicals,
which in the presence of depleted body defence mechanisms cause
more severe injury.
The mental trauma that a person who is on fire
undergoes transcends mere physical injury. Sustaining burns through
abnormal circumstances is a situation, which exacerbates the victim’s
mental trauma; so is the case in which the possibility of returning
to normal daily activity is ruled out; or when the person is concerned
about scarring or body image, or there is obvious disfigurement.
In such circumstances the person under fire undergoes
severe mental depression, social withdrawal, sleep disturbance
and heightened stress levels. These psychosomatic symptoms are
triggered by intrusive memories or visual images (of the fire
and being on fire), hyper-vigilance (increased wariness or being
easily startled) and fear or avoidance of anything related to
the accident, including refusal to talk about the incident.
The loneliness
of pain!
Ivan Illich observed, “the pain inflicted on individuals had a
limiting effect on the abuses of man on man… Any society in which
the intensity of discomforts and pains inflicted rendered them
culturally ‘insufferable’ could not but come to an end.” According
to Illich pain is so personal that it “means a breakdown of the
clear-cut distinction between organism and environment, between
stimulus and response.”
For the person experiencing pain, it is a sign for something not
answered: “What is wrong?” “How much longer?” “Why must I/ought
I/should I/can I suffer?” “Why does this evil exist and why does
it strike just me?” ( Ref 1)
Lifton who studied people close to ground zero
in Hiroshima described the impact of mass death on survivors as
‘simply ceasing to feel, being in a state of numbness without
emotional response. And after a while this emotional closure merged
with a depression which, twenty years after the bomb, still manifested
itself in the guilt or shame of having survived without experiencing
any pain at the time of explosion. These people live in an interminable
encounter with death which has spared them, and they suffer from
a vast breakdown of trust in the larger human matrix that supports
each individual human life. They experienced their anaesthetized
passage through this event as something just as monstrous as the
death of those around them, as a pain too dark and too overwhelming
to be confronted, or suffered.’ ( Ref 2)
Illich observed that what the bomb did in Hiroshima
“might guide us to an understanding of the cumulative effect on
a society in which…pain loses its referential character if it
is diluted, and generates a meaningless, question-less residual
horror.”( Ref 1)
When the whole body is on fire, the victim is
“beyond exhaustion, locked into a private world where all existence
is a miasma” to use a popular novelist’s quaint description of
pain and “the will to survive ceases”, to invert his expression.
The body prays the good lord to end it all!
No
wreaths for the Karsevaks!
This was what the fifty nine Karsevaks including
women and children travelling in S6, Sabarmati Express on February
27, 2002 underwent – bodies wholly on fire, they were beyond exhaustion,
locked into a private world where all existence was a miasma of
pain and with the will to survive ceasing, praying the good lord
to end it all.
Our good prime minister did not seem to lose
any sleep that night – on February 27, 2002 - as he did on the
night of the Glasgow bombings in 2007. For after all, only the
minorities have first claim to our national resources and the
prime ministerial sleep is a national resource. It does not come
cheap – to the nation!
To be fair, our good prime minister was not alone
in not losing sleep over the horrible, indescribable death that
befell the hapless Karsevaks. Our society as a whole, its intellectuals,
the leading lights of its media, the secular intelligentsia and
the human rights brigade which rushes to defend rapists, child
molesters and mass murderers disvalued them.
For us they ceased to exist not after the horrendous
death; they never were! They died a horrendous death not because
they committed some crime that deserved it but because they took
to God’s work in a country in which nearly 90% of the populace
worshipped that God!
The politics
of death!
The objective of this piece is not to justify
the aftermath of the horrendous death of the fifty nine Karsevaks
- even a single unnatural death is one death too many. It is to
focus on societal reaction to the two events.
In the six years since the Karsevaks died a horrendous
death - bodies wholly on fire, beyond exhaustion, locked into
a private world where all existence was a miasma of pain and with
the will to survive ceasing, praying the good lord to end it all
– nobody thinks of them; nobody talks of them; no commemoration
meetings are held; no cenotaph erected and no prayer meetings
held to pray the good lord to rest their souls in peace.
In stark contrast, the aftermath has been described
as genocide, holocaust, pogrom et al. The English language media
in India let its imagination run riot and quite a few media persons
made a career out of the dead bodies of Gujarat - not of the fifty
nine Karsevaks, but of those killed in the aftermath.
Was the aftermath the first communal riot in
India? Wilkinson, no friend of what the western media fondly calls
the Hindu right wing observed, “one can think of not one or two,
but many instances when the ruling party was not the anti-Muslim
BJP, or its analytic equivalent, the Shiv Sena, but deadly Hindu-Muslim
riots nonetheless took place.”( Ref 3)
Wilkinson’s article purported to have been originally
published in ‘The Economic and Political Weekly’ (October 29,
2005) was a reply to Ashutosh Varshney’s review of his book ‘Votes
and Violence’ (2005, New Delhi, Cambridge University Press). The
blog that reproduced the article, ‘Communalism Watch’, has a telling
sub-title: “Resources For All Concerned By The Rise Of The Far
Right In India” with only a parenthetical, “And With Occasional
Information On Other Countries Of South Asia.” It is perhaps needless
to add that the blog ‘Watches’ ‘Communalism’ through a monochromatic
lens, in keeping with the political correctness and ‘secular’
ethic of the Indian media.
Wilkinson adds, “…at one time or another, Congress
politicians have both fomented and prevented communal violence
for political advantage. Congress governments have failed, for
example, to prevent some of India’s worst riots (e g, the Ahmedabad
riots of 1969, the Moradabad riots of 1980, and the Meerut riots
of 1987) and in some cases Congress ministers have reportedly
instigated riots…and have blocked riot enforcement.”( Ref 3)
According to him, in point of fact, “in the post-independence
era Congress has at times benefited electorally from Hindu-Muslim
violence and I find that we can identify no robust statistical
relationship between Congress rule and the level of riots, a result
I attribute to the widely varying communal character of the party
and its leadership across time and place.”( Ref 3)
In a grave travesty of justice to the Karsevaks
who died a horrendous death, one of the messiahs of social justice,
Lalu Prasad Yadav had a report ‘made to order’ to garner electoral
advantage in the 2006 elections in his home state.
The English language media would rather there
was no reaction to the horrendous deaths of Godhra, in order to
be able to praise the ‘resilience’, ‘composite culture’, ‘triumph
of secularism’ et al.
Rajiv’s ‘Gandhian’ reaction to the Sikh killings
following the assassination of his mother in 1984 – ‘the earth
trembles when a big tree falls’ is too well known.
In reaction to the killing of a congress legislator
in Vijayawada (Andhra Pradesh) in 1990, the secular party cadres
went on a three-day rampage burning and looting and systematically
targeting the residences and businesses of a dominant caste in
the state. The slain legislator was not exactly known for his
Gandhian virtues but lived by the sword and later graduated into
politics.
In reaction to the conviction of their leader
on corruption charges by a court in Tamil Nadu in 2000, the AIADMK
cadres went on rampage burning buses in one of which three unfortunate
girls were burnt alive.
It was the turn of another secular party – the
Telugu Desam - to avenge the death of its legislator in Anantapur
(Andhra Pradesh) in 2005. The party too went on a three-day rampage
burning more than 600 government buses. This slain legislator
was also not exactly known for his Gandhian virtues but lived
by the sword and later graduated into politics.
In reaction to the publication of a cartoon in
a newspaper in far away Denmark there were not only protests but
also burning and looting in Lucknow and Hyderabad in 2006.
In reaction to a news-report criticising one
of the DMK scions published in the Tamil daily Dinakaran, owned
by another branch of the ruling dynasty the ‘secular’ cadres of
the DMK went on rampage burning the newspaper’s offices in which
three unfortunate employees were burnt alive in 2007.
In relation to the police firing in Nandigram
in 2007, the Marxian god, Buddhadeb Bhattacharya said, “they were
paid in their own coin.” Just imagine how the ‘secular’ media
would have screamed if only Narendra Modi had said this in relation
to the aftermath of Godhra?
The foregoing was not an exhaustive list of ‘secular’
reactions to events nor does it justify any of them. Similarly
it is just not just to vilify a single individual for the aftermath
of Godhra.
Would the ‘secular’ polity shed a tear for the
fifty nine unfortunate victims of Godhra at least now, six years
after the event?
Ref 1:
(Illich, Ivan, 1977, The Killing of Pain, in Limits to Medicine,
Pelican Books, p. 140-160)
Ref 2:
2 (Lifton, Robert, J., 1969, Death in Life: Survivors of Hiroshima,
New York, Random House, cited in Illich, Ivan, 1977, The Killing
of Pain, Limits to Medicine, Pelican Books, p. 140-160)
Ref 3:
Wilkinson, Steven I, Communal Riots in India, 2005, Communalism
Watch, November 11, 2005, (reproduced from The Economic and Political
Weekly,
October 29, 2005), communalism.blogspot.com/2005/11/communal-riots-in-india-steven-i.html
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